(Malay Mail Online) – Unlike the Malays, Malaysia's ethnic Chinese can opt for China if they are dissatisfied with their lives here, Umno grassroots leader Datuk Jamal Yunos asserted today.

The Sungai Besar Umno division chief pointed to the controversial remarks made by Chinese ambassador to Malaysia Dr Huang Huikang during a walkabout in Petaling Street as his proof.

"This is a clear message that the ethnic Chinese have a place to complain and protect their rights apart from Malaysia.

"They have land or their country of origin China, and if anything were to happen to them they still have a place to rely on," Jamal said in a statement.

Huang was reported saying Friday that Beijing would not hesitate to speak out against any threat that may affect the country's ties with Malaysia, which Jamal insisted showed Chinese Malaysians had an alternative land to call home.

The man who has been making waves with the pro-Malay "red shirts" further argued that this was the reason why Malays had to defend their rights in Malaysia as they had no other country to turn to.

"We have to take care of and protect every inch of this Malay land. There is nowhere else for us on this earth apart from our beloved Malaysia.

"So let's stand up and unite in the name of Malays and Islam, to take care of our homeland from any threat and exploitation, be it explicit or implicit," the #Merah169 rally leader said.

He also said that Malaysia was the only thing left behind by the "warriors and ancestors" of the Malays which was why it was all the more important for the race to protect it from all threats.

Jamal was the key figure in the recent Malaysia Day street demonstration that saw thousands of red shirted Malays bussed into the city rallying for the protection of their rights and dignity, which had ostensibly been under threat during the Bersih 4 protest two weeks earlier.

In his statement today, Jamal also thanked Huang for his concerns over the grouses of the Chinese vendors in Petaling Street.

Huang in his speech during his walkabout of the area known as Chinatown was likely referring to rising ethnic tensions in Malaysia following the September 16 #Merah169 or red shirts rally that saw protesters attempting to breach police barricades outside Petaling Street.

During the September 16 gathering, police fired water cannons at protesters attempting to breach a barricade outside Petaling Street.

After the rally, #Merah169 spokesman Datuk Jamal Md Yunos revealed another rally there, and warned of a possible riot it authorities do not take action against the Chinese traders in Petaling Street.

The rally was eventually cancelled after Jamal was arrested over the warning on Friday and released later.

Huang, however, was summoned to meet with Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Minister Datuk Hamzah Zainuddin, who is the acting foreign minister, yesterday to explain his remarks that Beijing would not hesitate to speak out against any threat that may affect the country's ties with Malaysia. 

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(Malay Mail Online) – Former Selangor Mentri Besar Dr Mohamad Khir Toyo may consider filing a petition for royal pardon as one way to escape the Federal Court's decision today to uphold his one-year jail term for corruption, lawyer Tan Sri Muhammad Shafee Abdullah said.

Shafee also told reporters after sentencing today that with the imprisonment, Khir Toyo stands to lose his pension.

"Pardon is an option, but before we take the option, we are considering another option. There is another serious option, but we need to see the written judgment," he said after the Federal Court delivered its decision.

Shafee also confirmed that an application to seek for a review of the Federal Court's decision would be another available option, but declined to disclose Mohamad Khir's legal team's next move until they view the written judgment, which has yet to be released.

With today's sentencing decision, Shafee confirmed that his client will be sent to jail directly as there is no avenue for stay of the final decision, although the actual time spent physically in jail would be around nine months due to remission.

Shafee said he was expecting a more lenient sentence for his client, who he said had not taken a bribe.

"You can see every one of the counsel are shocked by the finding of guilt because we are absolutely confident that the Federal Court is wrong," he also told reporters when commenting on the affirming of his client's conviction.

Earlier today, the Federal Court upheld the one-year jail term previously meted out to Dr Mohamad Khir by a lower court, also maintaining the forfeiture of the land that he had underpaid for back in 2007.

Last Tuesday, the Federal Court panel ruled that the offence was proven beyond reasonable doubt when it unanimously upheld Mohamad Khir's previous conviction under Section 165 of the Penal Code, which comes with a maximum two-year jail term or fine or both.

On December 23, 2011, the Shah Alam High Court convicted Mohamad Khir of corruptly using his position as then Selangor MB and Selangor State Development Corporation (PKNS) chairman to obtain land and property below the market price in 2007.

He was given a 12-month jail sentence after being found guilty of obtaining two plots of land and a bungalow in Section 7, Shah Alam for himself and his wife Zahrah Kechik, from Ditamas Sdn Bhd through its director Datuk Shamsuddin Hayroni with the inadequate payment of RM3.5 million in 2007.

He was charged with knowingly obtaining a valuable thing as a public servant without paying adequate consideration for the property that Ditamas had itself purchased at RM6.5 million in December 2004, and doing so with the knowledge that Shamsuddin had official dealings with him.

On May 30, 2013, Mohamad Khir lost his appeal at the Court of Appeal against his conviction and one-year jail term. 

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(Malay Mail Online) – The Federal Court's dismissal of Ezra Zaid's challenge against a Shariah law over the seizure of a book his company had published shows that Muslims in Malaysia have no constitutional liberties, his father Datuk Zaid Ibrahim said today.

Zaid, who previously served as de facto law minister in the Abdullah administration, said the country's apex court in its judgment yesterday appeared to be more concerned with determining the limits of freedom and with establishing that Malaysia was an Islamic country, by virtue of the constitutional provision on Islam being the religion of the federation.

"We were naïve to think that the Federal Court would protect our basic freedom to publish a book that was legally available for sale in the country, but after yesterday's decision it's clear to all Muslims in the country that fundamental liberties in the Constitution mean nothing if you are Muslim," Zaid wrote in a blog post titled "My son Ezra".

"The learned judges kept alluding to Article 121(1A) of the Constitution, which they said precluded them from interfering with the decision of the religious department.

"They thus concluded that the Selangor Islamic Religious Department had the power to prosecute offences under Section 16 of the 1995 Enactment without even determining if Irshad Manji's book was in fact concerned with religious instruction," he added, referring to Article 121(A) of the Federal Constitution that states that civil courts shall have no jurisdiction in any matters within the jurisdiction of Shariah courts.

ZI Publications Sdn Bhd and its director Ezra had challenged Section 16 of the Shariah Criminal Offences (Selangor) Enactment 1995 — with Section 16 (1) making it a crime for Muslims to publish, distribute or possess publications against Islamic law — after Selangor religious authorities seized from their office in 2012 180 copies of "Allah, Kebebasan dan Cinta", a Malay translation of Canadian author Irshad Manji's book titled "Allah, Freedom and Love".

A five-man bench of the Federal Court, including Court of Appeal President Tan Sri Md Raus Sharif, ruled unanimously yesterday that the Selangor legislative assembly had acted within its powers when enacting the Shariah law, noting among others Article 11(4) of the Federal Constitution that allows state laws to restrict the spread of religious doctrine among Muslims.

The court decision means that Ezra, who was charged under Section 16 of the Selangor Shariah law that carries a penalty of a maximum RM3,000 fine or a maximum two-year jail term or both, will have to face trial in the Shariah court.

The High Court quashed in 2013 a government ban on "Allah, Kebebasan dan Cinta" after ZI Publications filed a judicial review. The original English version was not banned.

Zaid said today that the Federal Court did not determine if the Selangor Islamic Religious Department (Jais) had properly applied the law or whether the charge against Ezra was properly conceived.

"In other words, to ordinary people like us, it appears that if we are seeking justice in the civil courts for any transgressions in the Shariah court or the conduct of any religious department, we can forget it," he said.

Zaid challenged the Selangor state government controlled by PKR, DAP and PAS to tell Jais that Section 16 of the Shariah Criminal Offences (Selangor) Enactment 1995 only prohibited publications containing religious instruction and "not any ordinary book", describing Manji's book as one containing the author's personal reflections on Islam, not on religious instruction.

"Will they prevail on the Department to spare Ezra prosecution? Will the DAP, which champions freedom, liberty and fundamental rights, say and do something for justice in this case? I have grave doubts that anything like the above will take place; but let's see if miracles happen," he said. 

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Salleh Said Keruak

Lim Kit Siang seems to have taken offense with my response yesterday and is getting very personal when he said, "Datuk Seri Salleh Said Keruak has beaten all Ministers to make the most stupid Ministerial statement, not only poorly researched but highlighted total ignorance of his Ministerial responsibility apart from being the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak's Chief Blogger."

Maybe he was not too happy with my reply when I said, "Lim Kit Siang just talks about speed. Malaysia's focus is speed, coverage and affordability. We want to ensure that by 2020 at least 95% of Malaysians will have access to the Internet. And we also want to ensure that at least 50% of urban areas and 20% of rural areas have broadband speeds of 100 Mbps."

Note the part where I said, "Malaysia's focus is speed, coverage and affordability." That means cost (affordability) is one point that I am looking at, which is also the point that Lim Kit Siang is talking about. So we are on the same page here.

In Malaysia, our Internet penetration is 67% of the population. We are still below South Korea (92%), Brunei (75%), Japan (86%), Singapore (80%), and Taiwan (80%). However, we are definitely ahead of the rest of Asia.

The average Internet penetration for the whole of Asia is only 38.8% and 73.5% for the whole of Europe. North America is, of course, ahead of the rest of the world at 87.9%. As I said yesterday, we are planning to give 95% of Malaysians Internet service by 2020, which is only five years from now, and MCMC plans to spend about RM9 billion by 2020 to achieve this.

Lim Kit Siang said, "…the issue is that high Internet speeds in Malaysia are too costly and unaffordable when compared to other countries when the Minister's task is to make them affordable and popular."

READ MORE HERE

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Pahang’s Abdul Rahman says it’s DAP that must say sorry for interfering in Islamic affairs

(Free Malaysia Today) – Pahang Mufti Abdul Rahman Osman has turned the tables on DAP, asking the party to apologise to him instead of the other way round in a quarrel over a sermon he delivered on Hari Raya Haji.

"We will never bow to any party that wants our department to apologise and withdraw the text of the Eid al-Adha sermon," Utusan Malaysia today quoted Abdul Rahman as saying.

He said DAP should be the party to apologise for interfering in Islamic affairs. He cited as an example the party's opposition to the introduction of hudud in Kelantan.

Abdul Rahman was responding to Sunday's statement by Pahang DAP Chairman Tengku Zulpuri Shah, in which he gave the Pahang Islamic Affairs Department five days to apologise. He said DAP would take court action if no apology was forthcoming by tomorrow.

In the sermon, Abdul Rahman lamented the disunity among Muslims and he blamed it on politics. He also accused some Muslim members in DAP of "openly opposing" Islam.

READ MORE HERE

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Anyway, the news report below can probably throw some light on the whole episode and show that Tony is very much involved in the conspiracy to bring down Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's henchman, Matthias Chang, is presenting himself as Khairuddin Abu Hassan's lawyer. The police, however, are treating Matthias as Khairuddin's partner-in-crime. The police have already recorded Matthias' statement and a second statement will soon be recorded.

My personal experience has shown that when the police call you in a second time that can only mean a warrant of arrest would be served on you and you would be taken to court to be charged. Or maybe you will be detained without trial. Either way you are cooked.

The next person who may suffer this same fate is Tony Pua. He has already admitted to introducing Sarawak Report's Clare Rewcastle-Brown to The Edge's Tong Kooi Ong and Ho Kay Tat. Basically Tony was the middleman in the whole arrangement.

This was, in fact, revealed during the Thai police's investigation into the Xavier Andre Justo affair. While it showed that Clare was Justo's broker, it also showed that Tony was the middleman to Tong and Ho.

Anyway, the news report below can probably throw some light on the whole episode and show that Tony is very much involved in the conspiracy to bring down Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak.

The question now would be: is Tony going to follow behind the heels of Khairuddin and Matthias?

************************************************

Pua makes startling admission

(NST, 9 Sep 2015) – Petaling Jaya Utara member of parliament Tony Pua admitted yesterday that it was he who had introduced Clare Rewcastle-Brown, the woman allegedly spearheading a smear campaign against Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, to The Edge Media Group's top guns.

As evidence from investigations into the case of former PetroSaudi employee Xavier Andre Justo began to emerge, Pua made this startling revelation but was quick to qualify that he was not privy to the leaks or any transactions.

Pua refused to commit when the New Straits Times asked him on WhatsApp if it made sense for a person, acting as the go-between for the sale of US$2 million (RM8.6 million) worth of supposedly valuable commodity, not to have knowledge of what was being put up for sale, its authenticity or even where it came from.

He was also asked if he was aware that he was aiding and abetting in the sale of stolen data. To this, he asked if the NST was levelling accusations against him.

According to investigation documents traced to the Thai authorities, Rewcastle-Brown, who was allegedly acting as Justo's broker in selling the data he stole from his former employer, had contacted him in February this year to say that she, together with Pua, had arranged for the sale of the stolen data to The Edge Media Group owner, Datuk Tong Kooi Ong.

Pua's name cropped up several times in Justo's written confession and transcript of three-month long WhatsApp conversations involving Rewcastle-Brown, Justo and The Edge's Tong and Ho Kay Tat, who had allegedly set up the thread.

In another WhatsApp thread between Justo and Rewcastle-Brown (they were using the pseudonyms Fullerton and Athene Ban) to discuss the stalled promised payment to Justo, Rewcastle-Brown told him, "I have asked Tony to set up a meeting with Tong".

Justo, in his response, asked Rewcastle-Brown to take it from there, saying: "You decide. I thought Tony was the leverage. If they don't care about Tony, what can the others do?"

Clare responded: "Ok. Waiting for Tony to expand on this. He introduced me and has involvement. None of the parties want this out, I assume."

In the exchanges, in which Justo's patience appeared to be wearing thin, Rewcastle-Brown had also allegedly told him: "I have told Tony that if he doesn't pay up then he will be seen to have been dealing with me as you (Justo) are threatening to publish (make public the deal)."

Pua was called to Bukit Aman on Sept 4 over his statements in relation to 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB).

He then held court outside Bukit Aman, telling the media that police had asked him if he knew Rewcastle-Brown and Justo.

He then said: "I told police that I know Clare and that I met her in London previously.

"However, I do not know Justo and have never met him."

The member of the Public Accounts Committee told his audience that he had declined to answer other questions posed by police and exercised his right to remain silent.

The NST yesterday asked Federal Criminal Investigation Department (CID) deputy director (Investigation and Law) Datuk Amar Singh, who had on that day confirmed that Pua had been called in, if Pua had mentioned anything about acting as the go-to guy between Rewcastle-Brown and Tong.

Amar said it was not mentioned at all, adding that police would study this new evidence.

Pua had said he was being investigated under Section 124B of the Penal Code for activity detrimental to parliamentary democracy, and Section 124J of the Penal Code for receipt of documents and publication detrimental to parliamentary democracy.

Yesterday, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said police had received cooperation from the Thai authorities to do what was necessary, including opening new investigation papers, against those with involvement to overthrow the government.

"These (procedures) are normal," he said.

Meanwhile, former PAC chairman Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed told NST that Pua never disclosed any knowledge of the stolen data or the dealings to the parliamentary committee, which sat from May to July (when it was temporarily suspended) to investigate 1MDB.

The dealings for the stolen data started as early as March, before it came to an abrupt end in late June when Justo was arrested by Thai authorities for blackmailing his former employer.

Justo, in his confession, said he made it clear to those involved in the deal that he had stolen the data, adding that Tong had told him that there was nothing to worry about and that he "would take care of things".

"I did not alter or forge any of the data, but I can't say what Clare, Tong and Ho Kay Tat did to it after I gave it to them.

"All I know is that when I look at the original PetroSaudi data relating to the 1MDB deal, I couldn't see any wrongdoing," the documents quoted him as saying.

Protection Group International (PGI) had in July, said Sarawak Report's published information on 1MDB was "inconsistent" and "unreliable" and that there were inconsistencies between the original information and what was published by the blog.

The cyber security firm was hired by PetroSaudi to investigate the source of the data published online and verify its authenticity.

On June 24, 1MDB said probes into Justo showed that some of the emails concerned had been tampered with, adding that it was confident that the authorities would investigate, establish the facts and take action.

Pua, Rewcastle-Brown, Tong and Ho have denied any wrongdoing or conspiracy to bring down the prime minister.

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The Prime Minister can still stumble and fall because of extraneous developments not fully under his control and the collapse of 1MDB.

(Free Malaysia Today) – DAP elder statesman Lim Kit Siang has been left wondering what the next two months will bring for embattled Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak. "Will the next two months be as disastrous as the past two months or even worse?"

"Najib's 1MDB 'empire' may collapse like a house of cards."

Lim, who is also DAP Parliamentary Leader and Gelang Patah MP, thinks that Najib can still stumble and fall because of extraneous developments not fully under his control. "One indication came on Monday when the Abu Dhabi state fund Aabar Investments indicated it may refuse to invest in a RM2.5 billion rights issue by RHB Capital."

"This is a sign of disappointment among Gulf investors in the economic and political instability in Malaysia."

Already, said Lim, Malaysia has notched a new infamy by having the first Asian-Pacific serving Prime Minister to be investigated for corruption and money-laundering by the US Department of Justice under its Kleptocrat Asset Recovery Initiative.

Lim was commenting on Najib's on-going lackluster visit to New York and the United Nations. "As a result, will Najib pull out in the last minute from officiating at the 21-23 October Global Transformation Forum in Kuala Lumpur in the same way he pulled out of the International Anti Corruption Conference (IACC) in Putrajaya on September 2 to 4?"

"The climax of his international programme at home, the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur on November 18 -22 with Malaysia as ASEAN Chair, may be as lackluster as his visit to New York and the United Nations."

Under the circumstance, he ventured, there may be a vote of no confidence against the Prime Minister in the budget meeting of Parliament, with some Umno/Barisan Nasional (BN) MPs crossing the floor of the House to join forces with the Opposition MPs. "Najib thinks that he's invincible and untouchable, because he has fully locked up the support of Umno/BN MPs."

READ MORE HERE

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(Malay Mail Online) – The Federal Court upheld today the one-year jail term previously meted out to Dr Mohamad Khir Toyo, after the former Selangor mentri besar lost his final appeal against a corruption conviction.

The apex court also maintained the forfeiture of the land that he had underpaid for back in 2007.

Chief Judge of Malaya Tan Sri Zulkefli Ahmad Makinudin, who chaired the five-man panel, said among other things that public interest should always be the first and foremost consideration in sentencing.

"We unanimously dismiss the appeal against sentencing. We therefore affirm the sentence of one-year imprisonment," the judge said, having said that corruption in any form should not be condoned.

Mohamad Khir, 50, is a licensed dentist who had served as Selangor mentri besar for eight years up until 2008.

Tan Sri Muhammad Shafee Abdullah had last week sought for a fine for Mohamad Khir or an order to provide free dental care to the poor as community service instead of a jail term as his client was a first-time offender, among other things.

Last Tuesday, the Federal Court panel ruled that the offence was proven beyond reasonable doubt when it unanimously upheld Mohamad Khir's previous conviction under Section 165 of the Penal Code, which comes with a maximum two-year jail term or fine or both.

The other judges on the Federal Court panel are Tan Sri Jeffrey Tan Kok Wha, Tan Sri Ahmad Haji Maarop, Tan Sri Hasan Lah and Datuk Ramly Haji Ali.

On December 23, 2011, the Shah Alam High Court convicted Mohamad Khir of corruptly using his position as then Selangor MB and Selangor State Development Corporation (PKNS) chairman to obtain land and property below the market price in 2007.

He was given a 12-month jail sentence after being found guilty of obtaining two plots of land and a bungalow in Section 7, Shah Alam for himself and his wife Zahrah Kechik, from Ditamas Sdn Bhd through its director Datuk Shamsuddin Hayroni with the inadequate payment of RM3.5 million in 2007.

He was charged with knowingly obtaining a valuable thing as a public servant without paying adequate consideration for the property that Ditamas had itself purchased at RM6.5 million in December 2004, and doing so with the knowledge that Shamsuddin had official dealings with him.

On May 30, 2013, Mohamad Khir lost his appeal at the Court of Appeal against his conviction and one-year jail term.

READ MORE HERE

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(MMO) – While he would proclaim he is Malaysian first, Islam requires him to prioritise his race before his nationality, #Merah169 rally leader Datuk Jamal Md Yunos asserted in an interview last night.

The Sungai Besar Umno division chief was speaking as a guest in an online Chinese-language talk show on www.pocketimes.my, and was asked by the hosts if he identified as Malaysian first or Malay first.

Put on the spot, he first stalled for time by suggesting that the show's two ethnic Chinese hosts would identify with their race first, but was instead met with denials.

"I will also say I am Malaysian first, of Malay descent but it is mandatory in our religion that we need to defend our race first but not oppress other races, this is my opinion," he said.

"I am a Malay and I will defend the fate of Malays but we will never oppress the Chinese or Indians. We are one race if we go by the constitution. Surely, nothing untoward will happen in this country," he said during the interview that ran more than an hour long.

Read more here

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Akhlak Muhajirin begitu terpuji sehingga Aws dan Khazraj, walaupun asabiyah mereka amat kuat, rela melepaskan kepimpinan ke tangan Muhajirin. Tidak timbul isu ketuanan Ansar, Bumiputra atau bukan Bumiputra.

Xifu Naser, Sinar Harian

"XIFU, benarkah Islam halalkan rasisme atau perkauman?"

Soalan 'penumbuk' daripada rakan soka gakkai. Dakwah dalam masyarakat multikultural semakin 'gila' kerana Islam dikaitkan dengan macam-macam isu sehingga ke rasisme.

Saya terus bagi jawapan mudah, "Kalau orang kata bahawa neneknya kata bahawa gurunya kata bahawa Islam suruh beli Samsung Galaxy Note 5, lu percayakah?"

"Check dulu apa Islam cakap. Refer pada al-Quran," saya nasihat. "Jangan dengar cakap sana, cakap sini saja. Islam agama Tuhan, bukan cakap-cakap orang atau media."

Rasisme adalah perkataan Inggeris. "Perkauman" asalnya perkataan Arab tetapi sudah berubah makna bila digunakan dalam Bahasa Malaysia. Perkataan Arab yang Nabi SAW guna ialah "asabiyah".

Ibnu Khaldun jelaskan makna asabiyah. Seorang ibu mempunyai naluri fitrah untuk lebih sayang pada anaknya sendiri daripada anak orang lain. Naluri fitrah ini adalah asabiyah. Seorang Cina akan lebih condong kepada membela kaumnya sendiri daripada kaum lain. Perasaan ini adalah fitrah.

Tetapi perasaan ini adalah salah kalau sifat asabiyah menzalimi hak-hak asasi kemanusiaan. Asabiyah adalah seperti perasaan marah, kata Ibnu Khaldun.

Tidak salah mempunyai perasaan marah supaya tidak dayus tetapi adalah salah kalau perasaan marah itu gagal diurus dengan baik. Perasaan asabiyah juga berguna untuk bela agama kalau diuruskan dengan baik.

Kita sudah ada banyak kursus Anger Management. Kita perlu juga kursus Asabiyah Management!

Kita imbas kembali sejarah asabiyah secara ringkas untuk faham Asabiyah Management. Nabi SAW dan sahabat-sahabatnya yang awal adalah berasal dari Makkah. Majoriti ialah daripada qabilah Quraysh tetapi al-Quran telah menamakan mereka sebagai Muhajirin.

Pihak Muhajirin ditindas dengan zalim di Makkah. Maka, mereka diberi citizenship oleh dua qabilah Madinah untuk berhijrah ke sana iaitu qabilah Aws dan Khazraj. Al-Quran telah menamakan mereka ini sebagai Ansar. Ansar adalah Bumiputra Madinah.
Muhajirin adalah sebenarnya pendatang atau penumpang.

Tetapi yang peliknya, Bumiputra Madinah ini menunjukkan akhlak tamadun yang begitu tinggi kerana bukan sahaja mereka terus memberi status kerakyatan, mereka juga melantik Muhajirin untuk memimpin Madinah.

Bagaimana wujud kepercayaan yang tinggi ini yang merupakan langkah pertama Asabiyah Management?  Kepercayaan ini terbina hasil akhlak management sendiri yang telah menunjukkan contoh good governance. Nabi SAW dikenali sebagai al-Amin (yang beramanah) sejak sebelum menjadi Nabi lagi.

Selain daripada Abu Bakr, Umar al-Khattab yang memang terkenal hebat, seorang sahabat yang bernama Abu Ubaidah al-Jarrah juga dikenali sebagai al-Amin.

Maknanya, Muhajirin mempunyai jemaah menteri yang diyakini. Aws dan Khazraj yang telah lama berperang antara satu sama lain tidak akan menundukkan asabiyah mereka kepada kepimpinan asabiyah Quraysh kalau akhlak Muhajirin adalah rasis dan samseng!

Akhlak Muhajirin begitu terpuji sehingga Aws dan Khazraj, walaupun asabiyah mereka amat kuat, rela melepaskan kepimpinan ke tangan Muhajirin. Tidak timbul isu ketuanan Ansar, Bumiputra atau bukan Bumiputra.

Ahli politik atau ulama politik kontemporari suka merujuk kepada Ibnu Khaldun tentang asabiyah sebagai reaksi kepada masalah rasisme di negara.

Biasanya kekuatan majoriti ditonjolkan sebagai syarat asabiyah Islam tetapi mereka tidak pula tekankan bahawa Ibnu Khaldun juga telah meletakkan 'Sharaf' (akhlak Mulia) sebagai syarat utama. Kekuatan bukan terletak pada kiraan batang hidung sahaja tetapi juga pada kemuliaan akhlak.

Nabi SAW pula secara berperingkat memindahkan wacana asabiyah kepada wacana 'Ummah'. Ansar dilayan sama seperti layanan terhadap Muhajirin kerana mereka dianggap ummah yang satu.

Maka, adakah sesuai bila seorang Cina atau India berhijrah ke Islam, kita kekal menganggapnya mualaf? Penumpang, bukan penyumbang?

Masyarakat multikultural sedang tunggu dan lihat pencapaian mualaf ini dalam dunia Islam Malaysia. Benarkah Islam rahmat untuk semua? Mungkinkah satu hari nanti PM adalah seorang Cina Muslim dalam satu negara yang sepatutnya berpegang pada wacana ummah?

Bangsa Melayu telah menunjukkan akhlak dan kepimpinan yang dihormati selama ini. Masih boleh diislahkan lagi supaya menjadi contoh kepada yang ingin kenal Islam. Selamat Hari Raya Korbankan Ego. Islahkanlah!

* Abdul Naser Tun Rahman Tokoh Pendakwah Perak

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How do we even begin creating a republic of virtue if we do not yet have the tools of analysing what a corrupt society is and how corrupt leaders are a product of the economic system created to reproduce more sophisticated forms of corruption?

Murray Hunter and Azly Rahman

"… I am indeed proud that on this, the greatest day in Malaya’s history it falls to my lot to proclaim the formal independence of this country. Today as new page is turned, and Malaya steps forward to take her rightful place as a free and independent partner in the great community of Nations-a new nation is born and though we fully realise that difficulties and problems lie ahead, we are confident that, with the blessing of God, these difficulties will be overcome and that today’s events, down the avenues of history, will be our inspiration and our guide …"

         — Tunku Abdul Rahman, first prime minister of Malaysia, Proclamation of Independence, 31 August, 1957

Today's debate in Malaysia has gone down to the lowest ebb. Discourse on democracy is dead; bludgeoned by the caretakers of the cult of secrecy of the ruling regime. The dream of a progressive Malaysia conceived by her freedom fighters and founding fathers and mothers such as Burhanuddin Al-Helmy, Ibrahim Yaakob, Onn Jaafar, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tan Chen Lock, V. T. Sambanthan, and even the much contested heroic figures such as Chin Peng, Rashid Maidin, Mokhtaruddin Lasso, and Shamsiah Fakeh has turned into a nightmare in broad daylight. If there is a period of decay in destruction of the democratic institutions yearning to grow well this is the time of chaos and anarchy: of Malaysia in the Age of Corrupt Systems.  

The challenges of a nation-state today, seem insurmountable not because the idea of a "nation" of many, hybridizing with the singularity, sovereignty, and sensibility of the modern state is an impossibility, but because there is no political will to make Malaysia that nation-state be realized in its entirety.  In other words, Malaysia has been made to become a neo-colonialist divide-and-rule hyper-modern polity. The apartheidization of society is deliberate and necessary a design in order for the political-economic elite to rule.  Herein lies our intention to explore the theme of the "Malaysian Dream," and propose explanations to the reasons for the rotting of this neo-colonialist construct and offer ideas towards a remedy. In doing so, we are guided by these questions: What are the ills of this country?  What remedies does she need? How do we Malaysians chart a new world of possibilities? What are our visions?— these are the questions we are exploring in this brief essay on the future of Malaysia.

Malaysia's predicament

Malaysia’s current situation and social condition is one characterized by violence; from a spectrum of hidden and subtle to blatant and outright display of it. Talks of a possible racially-motivated riot in Petaling Street, Kuala Lumpur and a US terror alert warning for that area, a massive rally calling for the end of corruption and a call for free and fair elections, the immense complexity of the ENRON-like case of the Malaysian investment project, the 1MDB and its story which read like a Watergate and a pulp fiction of global money-laundering combined, the resurfacing of the call to investigate the gruesome murder of a Mongolian model-cum- Russian interpreter of a governmental French-submarine deal,  the ugly spillovers of the current war of political survival and relevancy between the camps of Najib Tun Razak and former prime minster of 22-years, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad – all these happenings within the last few months are symptoms of this Malaysian socio-political cancer, or a noli me tangere as the Filipino nationalist of the 50s Jose' Rizal would call it.

How do we get to this seemingly point of no-return? Malaysians may now be reflecting on the spiritual aspect of the predicament. As Jesus/Isa said in The Sermon on the Mount, on “The Beatitudes,” one cannot serve god and money at the same time; as Thich Nach Han preached of the path of peace and moderation; as Muhammad spoke of Humanity as one and transcends race and tribalism, and that an Arab is no superior than any other race.

The remedy of these predicaments is what we ought to work on, gradually but surely through a long deliberate process of inner and outer change, one simply called “Education” — that gentle profession that will ensure personal and social progress.

Today there is a talk of crafting a peace-making and peace-building plan by parties interested in reconciliation.  Our view is that any “common framework of nation-building" must incorporate the voices of those marginalized, and the aspirations of the diverse peoples, and the intelligent design of social change that puts people first and at the center. This is what ought to be done rather than erect materials and vainglorious infrastructure architectured to oppress and alienate human beings – those pentagons of power build with the blood, sweat, tears, and fears of the poor the rich enslaved through crude as well as sophisticated means.

In Malaysia, it might be a futile effort for political parties craft elegant common frameworks of a new-Malaysian when not enough social-philosophical dialogue is done through mass and frequent meaningful intellectual engagements that include the hopes and aspirations of the people rather that exclude them; dialogue that sought their opinion and suggestions on what matters rather than teach them to chants slogans of change to be shouted in unison at rallies. In short, we need to bring big ideas down to the level of language and meaningfulness of the class of people we wish to develop.

Each party attempting to work together must command the language of participatory social change, of social justice, of culturally-tailored socialism, or capitalism with a moral conscience. Party members must learn to view religion as separate from the state and be the champions of that man-made laws that are collectively crafted by living, breathing and thinking human souls. That document called "The Constitution”, that embody the spirit of a nation with common dream and aspirations and future must be the made to be the bedrock of nationhood.

Oftentimes development and the institutionalization of national policies are stylized as top-down, commanding, and of late draconian and punishing practices. For one familiar with the process of creating shared vision in an organization, this kind of transmittance of developmental philosophy is not only unacceptable but in due course will be a reason for a revolt of the masses.

We must examine and scrutinize our “commanding heights,” as the Russian leader Vladimir Lenin would say about our economic model and our ideology and our base and superstructure. We must align these with the question of human nature: as human beings what do we want and what do we need, and how do we differentiate between what we want and what we need, so that we will not be confused and our society will not be evolving catastrophically.

Malaysia – is at a historical juncture of suicide; a bipolar nation breaking down into pieces. We had a dream. That dream is destroyed by the Pied Piper who is projecting himself to serve god and fellow men but in reality, is now having money serve him; that pied piper leading us to Armageddon of our own nation-state.

Where did we go wrong? Why are we living this nightmare? How do we craft a new Malaysian dream?

Hard Times for the nation-state

In spite of exposure to the world via internet, news, social media, and travel, the vision of what could be in Malaysia has become a dark and gloomy one. Visions are hopeful and positive aspirations that can be shared as a national narrative, an encapsulated version of what could be called "The Malaysian Dream".

However any dream has been suppressed with healthy political debate muzzled, academic freedom muzzled, criticism muzzled, where those who dare to dream or criticize the neo-feudal establishment are caste away through various means and neutralized.

The ideological apparatuses are now unashamedly used by the power elite to control, cajole, and coerce the rakyat not only into cultural subservience and political submission but also to instil fear of governmental wrath should citizens speak up truth to power to raise consciousness of injustices. The power elite, those that are ruling the country and whose power is derived not only from elections, arguably dubious in its recent outcome, are those whose hegemony is derived from a massive control of wealth through this convenient system of the Constitutional Monarch; a system that works in symbiosis in the overall framework of "Malay Hegemonic and Trumpeted Superiority," as leit motif.

This is not just a one sided affair. The opposition forces in Malaysia have also become intellectually bankrupt, have lost any passion for Malaysia, and are locked into their own introspection. Of late, especially after the 13th General Elections and after the incarceration of Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, and since the beginning of the Mahathir-Najib mahabharatta and vendetta in one, the Opposition itself has gone through as series of implosions breaking it into pieces leading not only to the inability for the coalition to come to terms with issues to be championed for the next elections, but also the implosion in its member party itself, PAS. The birth of Parti Amanah Negara (PAN), formed by those who no longer have the faith of the progressiveness of the Islam in PAS, signify the new forms of implosion leading to "new politics" in the coalition. Still, the Opposition has successfully been broken up rendering it difficult to play the role of contender of Barisan Nasional.  The rakyat has lost faith in the Opposition, especially with the loss of DS Anwar as its mover and shaker as well as a Malaysian "prime-minister-in-waiting".

This has come to the point where people may not even turn out to vote for the opposition just to protest against the government because of the 'hopelessness' they are displaying in terms of providing any alternative national narratives, dreams, and aspirations for a modern Malaysian society. Political analysts and social commentators these days are having difficult time writing about the possible triumph of the Opposition coalition in the coming elections.  Internal politics in PKR especially since the much-criticized "Kajang Move," and the plan hatched as a dawn raid for the Selangor Chief Minister's position,  the ongoing and perhaps no-exit-to-an agreement over the implementation of the "hudud" and the open secret of the hardliners in Pas wishing to make Talibanistic Islam as a model of Malaysia's Islamic state – these two major factors add to the internal political combustion of the Opposition, rendering it now too weak for the disillusioned rakyat to have faith in a much-needed change. Even the crumbling ruling party, especially the one plaguing UMNO as a consequence of Najib Razak's escapades, fiascos, and the metastasizing effect of the 1MDB, is benefitting from the implosion of the Opposition.

Global exposure, technology, and education have been wasted on Malaysians who are locked within a Malay-centric psychic dome that is completely opaque to what could be. Whilst globalization as a phenomena of movement of peoples, ideas, technology, and goods demand citizens of the world to adapt and prepare for the challenges of a multipolar, multi-cultural, and multi-perspectived world the Malay mind is still caged by its educational leaders to remain monocultural and to defend the rights to be exclusive and sheltered from the prospects and challenges of the world. This is designed and manufactured so that the incomprehensibility of the war cry and white noise of "Ketuanan Melayu," or "Self-Ascribed and Trumped Notion of Malay Superiority," can be maintained as a reason to live, work, and play.

No one today dare talk about what could be the best way to realize a society based on the simple principle of unity in diversity. Those calling for the need to remove the veil of racism, cast aside the garment of prejudice and suspicion, and embrace the idea of multiculturalism are made public enemies. These speaking up for the idea that all those born and breed in the country – Malays Chinese, Indians, etc. —  are now Bumiputeras or sons and daughters of the soil, are shunned against almost to the point of being charged as seditious people that do not know anything about the history of Tanah Melayu and ought to be charged for sedition. This is the dilemma of speaking up against the self-imprisonment of Malaysians caught in a historical time-warp and not able to see the prospects and possibilities of an emerging Malaysian and cosmopolitan society.

That is the discourse on a true Malaysian identity and a good society that has become a new haram, or a taboo, and displeasing to the power elite.

For this trade, the right to think and express, the Rakyat get in return a vision of introspection that makes the dark Middle Ages look like the Renaissance period in Europe.

More sadly while the rest of the region is moving forward, the Malaysian elite are content with holding Malaysia back to the risk where what we know today could and will implode and bring a brave new world of misery and disappear.

Imploding Questions

The big questions of nation building and bangsa are imploding.

Malaysia has no structured and streamlined operational government any more. It is run by kleptomaniac leaders who are purely concerned with getting what they can for themselves and demanding that they be condoned for it.

The states are failing, many not financially viable anymore, run by more morally bankrupt leaders who take their cues from their feudal lords who they pay alms to for the right to rob the country morally.

There is no such thing as proper federal state relations operating in Malaysia; UMNO tore up the constitution long ago and just ad lib as they go along.

The young of the country are bypassed for the old guard whose "Use by" dates have long gone.

Sabah and Sarawak have been raped and put into subservient position vis the federal government which is run by a crony elite.

Islam is now a political tool of persuasion and control. It's a tool of the government, of which PAS hand delivered to the government with their insistence on HUDUD without Tawhid.

Education is another handy political tool of subservience. It seems to produce new graduates who cannot t think for themselves in fear of offending. People are being programmed to obey in Malaysia's higher education institutions, after being taught how to go through life without questioning the status quo in the secondary system.

Today in Malaysia, the rakyat have not experienced good governance with any big picture vision. Rather they have been subjected to a government that is ad hoc and acts on whims. Nobody talks policy in Putrajaya.  Policy makers only talk greed. Mega projects are mega bucks, and everyone wants a slice.

Government is a winner takes all mechanism, where those outside can eat the crumbs that the elite don't want (or more rightly cannot handle).

So let us ponder about what could be past the introspection of UMNO, the leadership of today’s neo-fuel elite, corporate cronies, and opposition forces.

A vision for a new Malaysia

Amidst the chaos engulfing the country circa the 58th. Malaysia Day, what is left is hope, although hopelessness lie in the inability to remove those corrupted sectors – individuals, institutions, and ideology. Malaysia needs a vision, a new national narrative that all can debate and get behind to rebuild the country to the potential it really has. That vision was there before Mahathir took power and transformed it into total power over the course of his 22-years in power. The challenge indeed is to liquidate Mahathirism and start this nation-state at Ground Zero with the following changes to be made:
1. A debate on Malaysia. A national debate on what Malaysia could and should become a national priority. There is an imperative urgency to this. This dialogue must be done openly through the media, schools, universities and all possible forums.

It must begin with a true retrospective local of our history, so that it is appreciated, with a ‘no holds barred’ situational audit undertaken publicly on the nation's political, social, and economic on the present situation today.

One when the past and present is honestly reflected up can a future direction be chartered for all and sundry of what we should all call ‘the great nation of Malaysia’. Given the dire state Malaysia is in, with the institutions crumbling and critical consciousness needed for progress disappearing, it is imperative that systematic effort be engineered and architectured to make the citizens be able to think critically and morally.

The 'hang-up' on the current narratives of 'Ketuanan Melayu' and 'hudud', and the acceptance of corruption of the highest order, is keeping Malaysia locking into the past, without hope of ever seeing a bright future where we can be proud of the nation we should be calling ‘great’.

2. A clear separation of powers. A return to a national unity government with checks balances and power sharing until the country is out of crisis is mandatory if the country is going to be free of the past.

This requires political parties to set aside their differences temporarily, come together and work on an agreement to save the nation from further descending into chaos. Each party owes its voters the willingness to see through a country that stops bleeding from years of conflict, corruption, and cultural degeneration.

3. A transcultural-philosophical Islam. A return of the path of a progressive interpretation of Islam that would be an asset to the country. Focus should be given on the big Islamic issues in economy, business, corruption, and work towards the creation of universal set of morals that society will be proud to live within. Malaysia has travelled the mistaken path of Arabisation since the days of 'Islamisation Project' at the onset of the Mahathir Era.

Decades of success of the institutionalisation of a spectrum of Islamic concepts and applications have yield what is today a process of inching towards Talibanism. This is particularly evident in this administration of Najib Abdul Razak in which there seems to be a loss of control of the political will to monitor the spread of 'intolerant-Salafist' version of Islam.

Absent is the flourishing of Islam that promotes critical inquiry and philosophical discourse reminiscent of the rigour and splendour of Islam in Cordoba, Spain at the height of the Age of Transcultural-Philosophical" Islam if there is a designation to that period.

4. A responsive educational system. Innovative education models like the Switzerland system where students are able to master multiple languages should be considered as models to be adopted in multilingual Malaysia.

In many places of Europe students are able to attend universities and undertake their work in one of possibly two or three languages. In addition students need encouragement to question what is, and this must start in the classrooms of the nation. No longer should asking questions be considered disrespectful, but rather praised as the ability to think critically.

In addition, if Malaysian universities are to excel, they must be de-politicised. Vice-chancellors must be selected on their ability as professional educators rather than loyalty to the BN government. No more should National Civics Bureau (BTN) connections ever be the qualification needed for a person to hold the highest offices within universities.
Reform of Malaysia’s universities must start at the top and be allowed to filter down through autonomy and true meritocracy. Without any changes at the top, Malaysia’s higher institutions of education are doomed to continue their spectacular fall in international rankings.

5. A new federalism. This is required in Malaysia where there is a genuine respect and acceptance for the division of powers between states and the federal government. This is all laid out within the constitution of Malaysia but has been abused and ignored by successive BN governments who have acted to centralise power spurred on by the motivation of greed.

State governments need to be nurtured where good leaders need to be found and developed to look after state interests, independently of any federal government. This would be a completely new political paradigm for Malaysia and help bring Malaysia’s leaders closer to the rakyat. National development and management needs to be a cooperative area, free of party politics.

Governments must respect the will of the people and work within those wills, whether a state government be BN, DAP, PAS, or PKR. In addition, BN state governments must learn to operate independently from the will of the federal government leadership, and act on what they have been elected for, the protection of state rights, and development.

6. A new deal for Sabah and Sarawak. This urgent development is needed; one that follows on in the spirit of federal-state relations, where the 18 and 20 point agreements must be honoured by all, as part of the history and heritage of the formation of Malaysia. New talks about autonomy within the federation must be undertaken within the wide framework of federal-state relations to get the country's bureaucracy working in coexistence and cooperation.

7. An all-out war on corruption. Malaysians must attack corruption fearlessly and take a lesson from China. Corruption is an Achilles heel of Malaysian government and is drawing the nation down to a failed state syndrome. A country where corruption prevails has no morals whatsoever. The news of corruption and the nation's leaders being able to get away with it is not the examples the young generation of Malaysia should be taking their leads from.

Radical shock treatment is needed here and it may have to be a death penalty, even though this is an abhorrent punishment. What must be made clearly understood to all is that corruption is not acceptable anymore in the nation of Malaysia.

8. A civics-minded populace. Malaysians must also play a role in everyday government and this is why local government should be democratised. Local people should stand for local elections for local government and learn the role of authority and responsibility. Local government is the third tier of government which has had little transparency. Local government is actually more relevant to the everyday lives of the rakyat and it’s time for the rakyat to take this responsibility.
People with political party affiliations should not be allowed to run public office, so that city councils can remain independent.

9. A new breed of leaders. It’s time to bring forward the young leaders of this nation into the political arena. No more should politicians whose 'use by' dates have long gone take up all the positions of power. It’s time for the younger generation to take over. Within this, the gender balance of national leadership needs a drastic tilt towards more female representation.

10. A major paradigm shift. Malaysian politics needs a massive paradigm change away from personality, race, and nepotism and move towards policy. The same stories and narratives about race and privilege are getting Malaysia nowhere. In fact it’s going backwards relative to the rest of the region and becoming deeply introspective. All political discussions should be in terms of policy within the framework of Malaysia’s institutions. That is true constitutional Government at work.
 
11. A powerful senate. This means revamping the national senate to become a true house of review instead of a house of reward and convenience it has become. The senate should be a true state house where the interests of each state and territory is looked after by members directly elected by proportional representation, rather than the appointment system currently in place
.
In, addition the senate should have the power to call inquiries into issues of national interest, and the power to block budget Bills, as a check and balance on the government of the day.

12. A passage to decentralisation. As Malaysia is a complex country, its time through federal-state relations and local government to decentralise government operations within the country. Malaysia is not a communist country, but insists on operating as one through centralized planning and centralised decision making.

The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) has become enormously powerful and this power and authority, as well as responsibility should be channelled back to local areas where decisions affect the people living there.

13. A people-first economic philosophy. It's time for massive market and economic reforms to take place to modernize the Malaysian economy to one that is influenced through market forces rather than regulation protecting the power elite and their cronies. Import permits (APs) must be done away with to allow a level playing field develop in the Malaysian business world today.

The current heavy regulation and artificial monopolies that exist in Malaysia just go to keep a small section of society wealthy in the name of the New Economic Policy (NEP). There must be transparency, along with the emphasis on sustainability when land is handed out to corporations. The national land bank is held in trust for all Malaysians and should not be a mechanism to make a favoured few ultra-rich.

Rather than build luxury resorts where the local economies see little benefit, true community projects should be planned and developed. The gap between those who have and those who have not is widening. Market reforms are urgently needed.

14. A shared decision-making. Consultants must be stopped from being the instrument that is making so much policy within the Malaysian government today. Pemandu and the corridor authorities are on a gravy train racking up massive consultancies to develop policy for implementation.

The policy-making process must bring in public processes that involve the public into the process of determining their own destinies and develop more consultative government.

15. A broader choice of political parties. On the political front, parties should be broken up and reorganized into strong grassroots state organizations that pick their own state leaders. State members should select their own parliamentary candidates and political leaders, so that states can operate government independently. National party offices should operate as peak bodies and facilitators.
Such a move will distribute political power within the parties and prevent any one group dominating the political organisation. This means that there may be a much larger number of political parties representing Malaysians much better than the narrow choices available today.

16. A thinking-feeling-doing civil service. Malaysia once had one of the best civil services within the region. However, Mahathirism whittled away at the independence of the civil service until today it is a zest pit of political cronies there to serve those in power.

The civil service needs to become independent again and made more efficient where the spending wastages are eliminated. Meritocracy must be brought into the civil service as a major uncompromising principle if the service is going to become independent and professional.

17. A new paradigm in economic planning. There is a need for Malaysia to find new industries to invest in. The current portfolio of Malaysia's earners is very narrow. The country is now suffering from low petroleum and commodity prices, and needs to be urgently diversified so the country can be brought to new levels of prosperity for the next generation of Malaysians.

18. A return to cottage-based industries. However it is not just large industries that must be sought as winners. The country must focus on developing community based industries across the country. These small scale rural industries must not only be compatible with but act as a means to enhance the nation's various indigenous cultures.

This should include food production and be centred around local trade so that local communities can be self-sufficient. Self-sufficiency in food production may assist Malaysia withstand the coming 'Euro' type economic calamities that are occurring today in countries like Greece.
 
19. A new peg for the national currency. With the reputation of the ringgit partly destroyed by the kleptocratic elite and massive capital flight from the country, the dinar and dirham should be encouraged as an alternative local currency arrangement. Not only would the dinar hold value (being based on the value of gold), but it would serve as alternative medium of exchange, that is not subject to the forces that have caused the ringgit to sink in value.

This could be supplemented by encouraging local savings cooperatives that are run by the local people, for the local people and are owned by the local people, as alternatives to the large Malaysian banking corporations owned by the elite. This will help curb speculation within the Malaysian economy.

20. A newer vision of a foreign policy. Malaysia's future relies upon being a contributor and hard worker within the region the nation is domiciled within. Current foreign and economic policy towards the region is ad hoc and requires an intellectual revamp to place the nation within the region as a cultural and economic power once again.

A new thought-out foreign policy is needed so Malaysia can play a leading role within Asean and its entry into the Asean Economic Community at the end of this year.

21. A new Malaysian citizenship spirit. The nation must be made to be Malaysian once and for all. Malaysia is one country and cannot be considered in part. There can be no such thing as first and second class citizens any more. This Malaysian brand of apartheid is morally reprehensible and must be abolished once and for all.

Essentially, below is a grand plan or the big picture of change that need to respectively be created and painted in order for Malaysia to offer a pathway to the realization of the 'Malaysian Dream," preceded by key premises.  

We cannot escape from the idea that there ought to be winners and losers, whether it is in the way we give grades to students, design economic policies, organise the political system or, ironically, even in the way we understand religion and God and how these relate to what Mohandas Gandhi would call the harijan (children of God).

The continuing issues of succession plaguing the leadership of the major components of all the ruling parties, for example, reflects a virtue-less leadership. It even reflects the system of dictatorship and authoritarianism that we have allowed to take root in all parties. We are seeing the development of another dangerous excess of authoritarianism – the development of political dynasties. We continue to see this culture in the Malay and Chinese political parties as well.

If all that energy is used to design a better system of participatory democracy and philanthropy, and to reach out to other ethnic groups to collaborate in solving the issue of poverty, we, as Malaysians, will become a miracle nation. Poverty is not the problem of Indians or Malays or Chinese – it is the problem of Humanity.

How can the rich be saved if the poor are multiplying in large numbers? We will have a society that will need more sophisticated surveillance system in order to reduce robbery, kidnapping, etc.

The poor look at rich and ask themselves: "Am I poor because I am lazy? Or is he rich because he works a hundred times better? Or is it the system we build that will continue to make the rich richer and the poor poorer?"

What resources do the rich have à-vis the poor to compete in a world that is increasingly technological and technicist and informational? We have created a system of ethically-based structural violence. It is a complex problem but one can certainly make sense of it all.

We need to bring back ‘virtue’ to the forefront of our political philosophies and into our economic paradigm, and next use it to design a virtuous foundation of our economic system. From a virtuous foundation we will then see a healthier characterisation of how we design and reorganise our lives as economic beings.

Education, and education alone, though slow and tedious as a process of transformation, will be the most powerful tool of cognitive restructuring and the teaching of virtue. Education for peace, social justice, co-operation, tolerance and spiritual advancement will be the best foundation of this mode of operation.

How do we even begin creating a republic of virtue if we do not yet have the tools of analysing what a corrupt society is and how corrupt leaders are a product of the economic system created to reproduce more sophisticated forms of corruption?

We must engineer a revolution of our very own consciousness. From the revolution in our minds, we move on to the revolution of our consciousness, and next to our collective consciousness. Gradually, as we realise that a better collective consciousness can be created, we will be aware of the oppositional forces that are making real human progress disabling.

We must now become makers of our own history and help others do the same. We must first learn to deconstruct ourselves and draw out the virtue within ourselves, even if the process can be terrifying. We must then each create a manifesto of our own self and de-evolve from then, until we tear down the structures within and outside of ourselves and reconstruct the foundations of a new republic.

Our first move

In conclusion, here is the essential question: Where do we go from here — from the premises of change and considerations we outline above, to a course of action framed thematically? What ideas do we need to move in order for our nation to progress the way our common dream pictured? Here are our concluding thoughts on a new Malaysia one which needs the following:

"… a brand new political will, radical political change, an overhaul of the system, a fresh new and different mandate, a prison complex big enough to incarcerate the long-time corrupt ones, a plan to redistribute wealth, to dismantle educational apartheid, a rewriting of Malay and Malaysian history, a re-threading of the moral fibre of the armed personnel, a massive arrest of political tyrants of past doings, a restructuring of the casino capitalist economy, a stronger local government established, a clampdown of racist and hate-groups, a return to the rule of law, a return to agricultural society, an experimentation with a radically new form of communal-styled living, a dismantling of systems that allow global corporate giants to continue to prey upon the natives, a return to the cooperative system, strengthening of labour, a re-education of political official on management, ethics, and political philosophy, the separation of religion and state, the dismantling of useless cultural and religious rituals, a restructuring of society based on the principles of radical multiculturalism and the celebration of transcultural philosophies, the reduction of TV time and TV channels, the introduction of the reading of the great works of arts, humanities, and literature from the cradle to the grave,  the curbing of rhetoric on Islamic or any religious state, the compulsory teaching of philosophy from the cradle to the grave —  all these and more to overturn the system on its ugly head.

As Malaysia's most revered founding father said in 1957, proclaim in the country's independence:

"… But while we think of the past, we look forward in faith and hope to the future; from henceforth we are masters of our destiny, and the welfare of this beloved land is our own responsibility: Let no one think we have reached the end of the road: Independence is indeed a milestone, but it is only the threshold to high endeavour-the creation of a new and sovereign State. At this solemn moment therefore I call upon you all to dedicate yourselves to the service of the new Malaya: to work and strive with hand and brain to create a new nation, inspired by the ideals of justice and liberty-a beacon of light in a disturbed and distracted world. …"

Indeed, when people believe in the future of their nation, it will be strong. That belief in Malaysia must be rekindled and recreated.

Dr. Azly Rahman is a long-time columnist for Malaysiakini, an author of seven books on Malaysia and the complexities of hypermodernity and globalization, and teaches course in Global Politics, Culture, American Studies, Education, and Philosophy. He currently resides in the United States.

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(The Guardian) – "It has come about due to the absence of a national citizens' establishment in Saudi Arabia and because Al Saud have put their own interests ahead of the national interest."

A senior Saudi prince has launched an unprecedented call for change in the country's leadership, as it faces its biggest challenge in years in the form of war, plummeting oil prices and criticism of its management of Mecca, scene of last week's hajj tragedy.

The prince, one of the grandsons of the state's founder, Abdulaziz Ibn Saud, has told the Guardian that there is disquiet among the royal family – and among the wider public – at the leadership of King Salman, who acceded the throne in January.

The prince, who is not named for security reasons, wrote two letters earlier this month calling for the king to be removed.

"The king is not in a stable condition and in reality the son of the king [Mohammed bin Salman] is ruling the kingdom," the prince said. "So four or possibly five of my uncles will meet soon to discuss the letters. They are making a plan with a lot of nephews and that will open the door. A lot of the second generation is very anxious."

"The public are also pushing this very hard, all kinds of people, tribal leaders," the prince added. "They say you have to do this or the country will go to disaster."

A clutch of factors are buffeting King Salman, his crown prince, Mohammed bin Nayef, and the deputy crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman.

A double tragedy in Mecca – the collapse of a crane that killed more than 100, followed by a stampede last week that killed 700 – has raised questions not just about social issues, but also about royal stewardship of the holiest site in Islam.

As usual, the Saudi authorities have consistently shrugged off any suggestion that a senior member of the government may be responsible for anything that has gone wrong.

Local people, however, have made clear on social media and elsewhere that they no longer believe such claims.

"The people inside [the kingdom] know what's going on but they can't say. The problem is the corruption in using the resources of the country for building things in the right form," said an activist who lives in Mecca but did not want to be named for fear of repercussions.

"Unfortunately the government points the finger against the lower levels, saying for example: 'Where are the ambulances? Where are the healthcare workers?' They try to escape the real reason of such disaster," he added.

Saudi religious and political legitimacy is predicated on their claim that they manage the holy sites properly and make them safely accessible for all Muslims. Since there are no monarchies in Islam and Saudi Arabia itself is not mentioned in the Qur'an, legitimacy is a fundamental issue for the Saudis and the Hajj disasters have been extremely damaging.

Read more here

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It is frustrating to see the way the Opposition conduct themselves at times. If they ever form the government and things go wrong, who are they going to continue blaming?

Raghavan Nair

A recently held dialogue/forum in London with two PKR executive councilors (EXCO) from Penang has highlighted the actual reason for turmoil within the Opposition coalition. Everything that happens is the fault of Barisan Nasional.

The only reason Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is still able to walk around bearing a thirty-two teeth smile is because the Opposition is weak. Scandal after scandal is surfacing but Najib is unfazed. The only constant pressure for Najib is coming from the likes of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. The Opposition is tainted with so many problems internally that they can hardly collectively work on pushing for the prime minister's resignation.

How convenient is it for them to blame BN for their internal struggles. PAS's Datuk Seri Hadi Awang is often labeled a traitor and made the scapegoat for all troubles in the Opposition pack. They claim Najib masterminded the demise of Pakatan by persuading Hadi to accept the Trojan Horse after jailing Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Let’s get one thing straight. Najib was only able to play to the break-up in Pakatan because Pakatan's base was too weak. Look in the mirror and ask yourselves if Najib is solely responsible for your internal squabbles.

When the nation was against the idea of DAP and PKR joining forces with PAS, who spearheaded the relationship of convenience with PAS? Was it Najib? Any sensible person would have told you that PAS is bad business but yet PKR and DAP was too arrogant to listen. While PAS was always bent on hudud why did Lim Kit Siang go to Kelantan and speak against hudud? Is Najib responsible for that too? When experts advised against appointing Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail as the Pakatan head, why didn't any Opposition leader listen? Did Najib force a weak leader to head Pakatan? Did Najib also hand Wan Azizah and Azmin Ali the Trojan Horse that they are so stubborn to continue maintaining a relationship with PAS in Selangor?

The truth is the Opposition has no leadership qualities. Everybody wants to be the chief chef, not realising that too many hands spoils the soup. Any issue that is not consensually agreed upon by all three parties, is blown out of proportions publicly. A complete mockery is made of one another because of disagreements.

In contrast look at BN. Although MIC stood their ground against the recent 'Red-Shirt rally', they professionally agreed to disagree with one another. They bashed each other behind closed doors and when the PM gave his media statement, all remained quiet. They may not have agreed with UMNO's decision but they never made disparaging remarks against their leader openly. That is exactly how every successful team functions. It is not by chance the Opposition is straggling behind.

Leaders from BN today accept that there are deficiencies in the current government. They acknowledge the fact that there are flaws. They recognise the problem and try to work their way in solving them. The Opposition on the other hand never admits their mistakes. They try to portray an image of perfectionism and when crap hits the fan, the response is always "Najib is behind it. BN is to be blamed."

It is frustrating to see the way the Opposition conduct themselves at times. If they ever form the government and things go wrong, who are they going to continue blaming? Personally, the Opposition is still not ready to govern the country. They may be doing a decent job governing Penang and Selangor but running a country is a different ball game. Sometimes I wonder if the current bunch is cut out for it.

While people are fed-up with BN, they don't see any light from the Opposition. Sometimes it may be better to trust the known devil than an unknown angel.

Always remember that every time you point a finger to blame someone, three fingers are pointing back at you. Stop finding excuses for your troubles and start finding solutions instead.

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(The Star) – Two police reports were lodged at the Seksyen 6 police station in Shah Alam over false news that the Raja Muda of Selangor had converted to Catholicism.

The reports were lodged by the Selangor Sultan’s private secretary Datuk Mohamad Munir Bani and the crown prince's private secretary Hanafisah Jais at 4pm Monday.

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(Bernama) – Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) is not concerned over the possible downgrade to "junk status" by Credit-Default-Swap (CDS) Traders as the downgrade was not by a ratings agency.

Its governor, Zeti Akhtar Aziz said the "junk status" is only how the markets tell their story and a similar thing occurred during the 1998 Asian Financial Crisis.

"However, a year after the financial crisis, we managed to prove to the world what can we do.

"We have to be firm so investors will look at how we assess the situation," she said.

Standard & Poor's has an A stable rating for Malaysia while Fitch Ratings upgraded its ratings to A stable.

The ringgit is pressured by highly volatile global developments in the United States, China and the Middle East.

At 5pm today, the ringgit was quoted at 4.4160/4240 versus the US dollar.

"The important thing is for the economy to have the strength and resilience to ride it out.

"However, we are not facing any pressure to increase interest rates as the current level is accommodative and supportive of economic activities," she said, reiterating BNM's GDP growth outlook of 4.5%-5% for 2015.

In the latest monetary policy statement, the central bank decided to maintain the overnight policy rate at 3.25%.

Zeti said the central bank was seeing steady growth in credit, which meant that the challenging environment had not hampered borrowings from the financial system to support businesses especially for small- and medium-sized enterprises which have been experiencing double-digit growth.

She also said it would not be possible to fix the exchange rate given the highly dynamic environment.

"We do not have any particular level because this is a dynamic environment, therefore, where other currencies are also adjusting, we cannot keep ours at one specific level because it will be misaligned," Zeti added.

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